CUBAN EXTREMISTS (continued from preceding page) includes representatives from Dade County and Miami police, the U.S. Customs Service and the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms. Although the Federal Bureau of Investigation is not formally a part of this task force, its agents work closely with it. With co-operation from Cuban refugees who are sick of the terrorist violence, law officers have arrested a number of suspects. Police also have learned enough about other suspects to think their freedom to engage in new acts of violence can be limited even though there is not enough evidence to prosecute them. A federal grand jury is interrogating witnesses who might have some knowledge of terror operations. Efforts of law-enforcement officials to deal with the terrorist groups face formidable handicaps, however. The terrorists seem to know what police are doing. Lieutenant Lyons relates that one suspect "identified one of my officers who had never met him before, called him by name and told him that he knew he worked in and what his duties were." Terrorists are protected by a web of loyalists. Most of them worked at one time or another for the U.S. Government. Many have had several roles: members of the U.S. Army, CIA operatives and FBI informants. One refugee leader suggests that law-enforcement officials have not found the killers of Cubans because "they don't want to." A further complication is the heavy infiltration of the terrorist movement by members of Castro's intelligence corps. They not only gather intelligence but sometimes act as agents provocateurs, instigating terrorist acts designed to discredit the refugees and influence American policy. The Cuban Prime Minister has "surfaced" enough of such agents to reveal their pattern of operation. Early this year, for example, Manuel de Armas, a Cuban refugee who was named in Senate committee testimony as having been involved in terrorist activities in Miami, showed up in Havana. In an April 22 broadcast by Radio Havana, De Armas said that he had supplied the explosives used in the killing of a man named Rolando Masferrer and that a CIA agent had provided him with the explosives. In a speech on October 15, Castro boasted of a double agent who Castro claimed had passed coded instructions from the CIA. Said Castro: "From the very moment when he was recruited by the CIA and over a period of 10 years, the supposed agent has kept the Cuban Government fully informed of all his contacts with the CIA and of the equipment and instructions he has received." Castro blamed the CIA for the airliner bombing and other acts of violence: "Who else but the CIA ... can carry out these acts?" Castro asked. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger has flatly denied U.S. involvement in the airliner bombing. He said: "It is true categorically that no official of the United States Government, nobody paid by the American Government, nobody in contact with the American Government has had anything to do with this crash of the airliner. We consider actions like this totally reprehensible." The CIA declines to discuss Cuban refugee terrorism. Officials of other Government agencies say they seriously doubt that the CIA, after all the criticism it has received for some of its earlier activities, is still involved in operations against the Castro regime. However, the agency is described as providing very little help in combatting the terrorist groups. "We have absolutely no contact with the CIA," says Lieutenant Lyons. "If they do, they don't talk to us." One reason for that attitude may be that laws bar the CIA from domestic law-enforcement activities. Other laws, or their absence, also complicate the fight against the terrorists. U.S. agencies cannot become involved in investigations of terrorism outside the United States unless the crime involves violations of neutrality laws making it illegal to conspire in this country to commit crimes abroad or to export arms without a license. Although shocked by the October 6 airliner bombing, U.S. officials reluctantly decided there was no authorization for the FBI to enter that case. With such handicaps, the law-enforcement officials say they can look forward to only limited success against the terrorists. Any real solution to the problem must come from within the Cuban refugee community—and investigators state that the co-operation they get there does not extend to cases of violence committed outside the U.S. WHAT HAVE TERRORISTS GAINED? As officials size up the effects of the terrorist campaign, the only tangible accomplishment has been to push Castro into renouncing the antiskyraking treaty, thus discouraging efforts toward a diplomatic reconciliation between the United States and Cuba. Despite all the terrorist plots and attacks, Castro remains firmly seated as head of the Government in Cuba. And it appears to the refugees almost inevitable that he will remain in power. "We are not moving toward democracy," Castro reflected recently. "We are moving toward socialism nationally and internationally." The refugees, who had hoped that Jimmy Carter, who becomes President in January, will give new impetus to their cause, are resigned that they will never be liberated from Communism within their lifetime. As one official reflects, "If the terrorists continue their attacks, it seems inevitable that the Cuban refugees will continue to lose their cause. In the end, they may be the ultimate victims of their acts of violence." TERRORISTS' ARSENAL: PLANES TO CANNONS One measure of the military equipment that is available to Cuban extremists in the United States is the following list of arms seized in a raid on a terrorist training camp in the Florida Everglades: - 10 aircraft, including 2 B-26 bombers. - 2 helicopters. - 2 57-mm recoilless rifles. - 2 81-mm mortars. - 2 60-mm mortars. - 2 20-mm antiaircraft guns. - 2 50-caliber machine guns. - 2 30-caliber machine guns. - 2 20-mm cannon. - 2 57-mm recoilless rifles. - 2 81-mm mortars. - 2 60-mm mortars. - 2 20-mm antiaircraft